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In designing, building, and delivering digital innovations, smart cities have the disposition to better respond to the worldwide urbanisation and ageing trends that raise opportunities but also challenges for how policymakers create sustainable, inclusive, and equitable urban environments . Smart homes have the potential to make up for the challenge of the shortage of caregiving labour by reducing the costs of manpower and time and providing a more accurate, efficient, and high-quality service for elders. Zeng and Chen found that, aside from digital literacy, financial concerns are a primary factor hindering Chinese individuals’ purchase of smart homes. While respondents mostly agreed that smart homes are convenient by easing their housework burdens and making elders’ lives more independent, they could only purchase smart homes if financial circumstances allow. In order to popularise the use of smart homes in China, local governments need to subsidise their citizens who are financially in need to buy such properties.
Rural elders who are introduced to the benefits of befriending social robots may plausibly be more willing to accept such technologies. In Taiwan, Chen et al. applied the Chinese version of attitudes towards the use of social robot questionnaire to survey 416 Taiwanese health professionals between November 2017 and May 2018. Survey outputs indicated that elders in caregiving needs are more likely to accept the use of social robots if their attitudes towards such use are more positive. Therefore, the outputs of this Taiwanese study further hint that Chinese government officials should actively change the senior adults’ perceptions of social robots, in order to allow the integration of social robots into the local health and care services industry.
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(2011–2015) was implemented by the General Office of the State Council where home-based elderly care services become quasi-public goods—sharing the dual characteristics of public and private goods . To date, public long-term care financing is minimal and significantly restricted to supporting welfare recipients and subsidising the delivering of residential care beds and operating costs. Within the public sector, weak quality assurance in the long-term care system is concerning. In response, China has been witnessing an increasing involvement of the private sector in supporting the long-term care system . As elderly care services can now be purchased in the market as private goods, it benefits richer individuals, especially urban natives, who can and are willing to spend financial resources on enjoying better-designed elderly care services.
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Here, financing must be in place in order for city-level governments to develop human resources because low salaries and employment status both bar caregivers and nurses from showing an interest in working in elderly care. When smart home elderly care providers design mobile applications to match caregivers with elders who seek caregiving services, it is essential for the providers themselves to ensure the former is paid at a satisfactory, rewarding rate. Such delivery of caregiving services does not and should not need to be full-time jobs. The caregiving provision should complement caregivers’ farming, and caregivers in the market should be compensated financially by the beneficiaries of the services and, more importantly, by local governments which subsidise caregiving per se.
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Therefore, the disadvantaged elderly populations can also gain access to innovative technologies in favour of their everyday life. However, rural China is unable to deliver free elderly care services completely with the restrictive fiscal revenues . Therefore, part of the elderly care services has to be pragmatically offered as private goods. Smart elderly care services providers aim at making profits through the supply of innovative services, where such technological advanced services are inclined to be expensive . Hence, only richer urban natives may demonstrate an interest in purchasing smart elderly care services as private goods.
Otherwise, even if Chinese citizens, including those who are seniors, are willing to accept the use of innovative devices domestically, they are financially barred from purchasing smart homes. Such restrictions limit the lifestyle and caregiving transitions of the local Chinese communities and hamper the attainment of sustainable futures . Li and Woolrych studied the experiences of Chinese urban senior populations on living in smart homes in Chongqing.
Smart cities are the environments with an effective integration of human, physical and digital systems within the settings to deliver a sustainable, inclusive and prosperous future for local citizens. In China, given the ageing challenges mentioned above, the design, establishment and delivery of smart homes are seen as an urgent and critical approach to build a sustainable and inclusive future that accommodate the needs of the growing populations of senior citizens. The emergence of smart homes for elderly care in China occurred in 2008, where such an innovation had undergone through four development stages, namely the seed stage (2008–2011), the start-up stage (2012–2014), the development stage (2015–2016), and the popularisation stage (2017–2019) . In 2017, the State Council of China published an action plan for the construction of a smart and healthy elderly care industry (2017–2020). The information technologies featuring the Internet of things, big data, cloud computing, and mobile Internet represent comprehensiveness, efficiency, accuracy, and wisdom, aiming to facilitate the convenience and advancement of individuals’ everyday life .
The action plan designed and implemented by the State Council of China demonstrates the Central Government’s determination to informationalise and digitalise the Chinese society. Therefore, the market of smart home care services should expectedly mushroom in the coming decades, as the demand for smart home care shall raise. However, there are a range of barriers to achieving the massification of smart home care services, which will be discussed in the following sections.
However, many of them demonstrate curiosity in, and potential to, learn digital knowledge and skills. So long as China introduces a wider share of its senior citizens to a variety of smart home devices and makes such innovative products financially accessible, a growing number of its elderly populations will expectedly be showing an increased interest in building their digital repertoire. By then, China can better fulfil its policy focus on building a more sustainable urban and regional development. Not only will cities become more technologically advanced and inclusive but also villages and towns will become more urbanised and habitable too. Smart devices should provide personalised interaction and services to reduce the loneliness suffered by elders who are left-behind.
Hong et al. found that while 83 percent of middle-aged and elderly Chinese respondents used mobile phones, only 6.5 percent of them had access to the Internet . Local governments can consider issuing vouchers for mobile phone and Internet access subscriptions to the elderly populations . If local governments are willing to hand out vouchers to elders, poorer Chinese citizens should benefit from the suggested policy the most due to their significant financial limitations. Disadvantaged Chinese elders, in particular, can therefore purchase digital devices that allow their access to digital elderly care and healthcare services. In contemporary China, most enterprises designing and delivering smart home services in elderly care can restrictively provide elders simple services, including emergency rescue, smart door locks, and basic online health advice. More complex services such as comprehensive assistance, health management, and home security are rarely available in the market due to technological limitations .
Despite being an upper-middle-income country, China has been facing entrenched sociospatial inequalities. Ample Chinese provinces, especially those in inner and northwest China, are underdeveloped and lack financing. It is necessary for the Central Government to draw a fairer share of policy focus on suburban and rural regions.
However, they noted that the elderly respondents’ acceptance rate of using social robots was dissatisfactorily low . Due to the urgency of the ageing challenges China is facing, social robots have the potential to be used substantially in order to assist the everyday life of elders. It is concerning when elders express their anxiety and fear about social robots, given the circumstance that such an innovative technology may be widely applied in the coming years or even decades. Such a negative view faced by elders may be particularly common among rural Chinese elderly populations who are seemingly more conservative but perhaps less independent. It is, therefore, necessary for local government agencies to deliver community education, including arranging public seminars, to rural elders.
For example, a 65-year-old elder can be paid on an hourly basis to provide caregiving to an 85-year-old counterpart who loses, partial or in full, their physical function. And established smart care centres in 40 pilot communities, providing services such as emergency assistance, security monitoring, and everyday elderly care . It is noteworthy that the digital literacy and financial security of urban elites are much higher than less privileged urban natives and rural citizens. Therefore, more pilot communities should be established in first-tier cities first. If positive outcomes result, then pilot communities can be targeted and arranged in second- and third-tier cities, followed by villages. The progress and outcomes of delivering smart home elderly care services in first-tier cities can serve as a reference for lower-tier cities to take into account during piloting in order for the latter to make any adjustments in the provision of smart home elderly-care services, if needed.
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